New supplies of advanced weaponry and training will further integrate Ukraine into Nato鈥檚 defensive system.
When he appeared before the UK鈥檚 House of Commons Defence Committee in November 2021 to defend his government鈥檚 cuts to the armed forces, the then prime minister, Boris Johnson, 鈥渢he old concepts of fighting big tank battles on European land mass are over鈥. Committee chairman Tobias Elwood noted that it was tanks that were massing on Russia鈥檚 border with Ukraine, while the UK was cutting back its own fleet.
Just over a year later, the ferocious armoured battles in Ukraine during 11 months of conflict appear to confirm Elwood鈥檚 concerns. For some time Ukraine has been begging allies for more and better such as long-range artillery and aircraft.
But high on that list have been main battle tanks (MBTs). Tanks, with their , provide the sheer punch and momentum to take ground. Until now, apart from some gifts from and the of Soviet-designed but modified (by Czech and Polish engineers respeictively) T72 tanks, none had been forthcoming from Nato countries.
But on January 16 this changed, with an , Ben Wallace, of the transfer of 12 of Britain鈥檚 227 Challenger 2 tanks.
These are highly effective and to most of what Russia can field. But thus far there will be too few to make a significant difference.
Ukraine鈥檚 stock of MBTs is likely to be boosted if Germany, as is thought likely, gives the go-ahead for and -owned, but German-made Leopard tanks to go to Ukraine. This will lead the way for several other countries to follow suit.
The relatively old variants which the Ukrainians will be receiving are not war-winners, especially in the numbers likely to be transferred. But, more importantly for Ukraine鈥檚 security, they represent a step-change in western support and a move towards equipping Ukraine with ever-more sophisticated Nato gear.
Combined arms warfare
and the recently announced they would be sending Marder and Bradley to Ukraine. IFVs carry infantry troops into battle. While there is no doubt that these are effective in themselves, they are not designed to work alone.
This is where tanks come in. Early in the war, Russia lost hundreds of them to anti-tank guided missiles (ATGMs) fired by infantry, including the iconic and . Tank crews, encased as they are in a very heavy steel box, often find it difficult to see these troops, which puts them at a huge disadvantage.
So the best way to protect tanks from infantry with ATGMs is to bring your own infantry with you. You do that in IFVs such as the Bradley and Marder. These are equipped with automatic cannons and machine guns to provide covering fire for the infantry when they dismount.
In turn these more lightly-armoured IFVs are vulnerable to tanks. So IFVs and tanks, working closely together and liaising with artillery are essential for effective 鈥溾 鈥 the key to success in land battles.
The idea appears to be that several Nato countries will pool their gifts to create a brigade as well as the 100 or so Bradleys and Marders.
Old but effective
The Leopard 2A4s were built from 1986 to 1992 (although they have been extensively upgraded since) 鈥 they are old, but will be effective against Russia鈥檚 tank fleet. But unless modified with additional armour these tanks are likely to be vulnerable to ATGMs, as Turkey .
Nato tanks are than the Russian designs operated by both sides in this war such as the many variants of T64 T72 and T90. This reflects a traditional Nato focus on quality over quantity.
Reliable estimates say that Russia has lost about of the tanks it has used in Ukraine, either destroyed or captured. But Russia鈥檚 newer tanks will be a threat, a design first publicly revealed in 2017 (and which is said to [be used by the Wagner mercenary group]. In any event, tank-on-tank battles are rare 鈥 the biggest killer of tanks in this war is .
Real significance
This is a significant moment. The importance of Ukraine鈥檚 new tanks lies not in their more than adequate combat effectiveness. Rather the Leopard 2A4s, alongside the Bradley and Marder IFVs represent a commitment from the west to reform and rearm the Ukrainian army in the medium and long-term, moving on from an understandingly ad-hoc approach to weapons transfer and supply early in the war to a more carefully devised battle plan incorporating the new military hardware.
The 300 western tanks and 500 IFVs as well as no fewer than 700 new artillery systems. They believe that this will give them the combat power to . It is more likely now that they will get them.
Over the next year or two, regardless of what form the war takes, Ukraine will need to rearm with Nato-standard weapons systems. These will include 鈥 but not be limited to 鈥 newer versions of the Leopard or other Nato tanks in ever larger numbers. This will assure not only the quantity but also the quality of the equipment available to them and allow Ukraine to be incorporated more efficiently into Nato and other western logistics and maintenance systems. While Ukraine is unlikely to join Nato as a political member for many years (if ever), its army will look very much like a Nato force.
In addition to this, the key will be continuing in the use of this new gear. Ukraine will not only have the capability to defeat the increasingly outfought Russian army this year and next 鈥 but its armed forces will be a deterrent to any further attack by a rearmed, revanchist Russia in the future.
It will ensure Ukraine鈥檚 鈥 and therefore Europe鈥檚 鈥 security well into the next decade.
Frank Ledwidge is a Senior Fellow in Strategy Enterprise & Innovation in the Faculty of Business & Law.
This article is republished from under a Creative Commons Licence. .
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